Thursday, August 21, 2008

event-types, and emic signals in sign phonology

This needs cleaning up, but I figured I should post this in draft form, so I don't lose it.

How do signs pick out place?

Dominant-Hand emic signal
  • shape
  • orientation
Nondominant-Hand Shape emic signal
  • shape
  • orientation
Configuration
  • Start Config
  • Motion
  1. path
  2. manner
  3. repeat
  • End Config
Non-Manual emic signal
  • Face
  • Eyes
  • Eyebrows
  • Lips
  • Shoulders

Compare with speech utterances:
Syllables
  • Initial
  • Rime
  1. nucleus
  2. coda
Tone (only in tonal languages like Chinese or Thai)
Prosody


Humanly relevant scene
  • a token situation accessible to physical perception
Event-type
  • a way of classifying scenes and other locations as located in Place and Time
Simple event-type
  • one participant + speaker
  1. recognize object (e.g. Proper Name, or deictic Mama)
    1. identity condition, a later ocurrent percept is the same object
    2. discrete memory (as opposed to procedural memory)
    3. tracked or inferred continuant
  2. recognize happening (precursor to Action)
    1. precondition situation
    2. result situation
    3. situation properties (e.g. manner)
Referential event-type
  1. Refer to an object of a type
    1. speaker and hearer share schema for that type in their schemes of individuation
    2. types are made explicit in the scene, such as via an utterance (noun phrase)
    3. conditions of success -- may fail to refer successfully
    4. may be performed with eye gaze, head glance, deictic pointing (e.g. hand), or uttering a common noun, or a pronoun
    5. anaphoric resolution; successive references may refer to the same index in discourse
    6. modifiers of a head noun help resolve which of several possible objects are the target of referring
Speech Act event-type (clause, headed by a predicate that is usually a verb, or else a complement to a copula)
  1. Request Action
    1. Conditions of Satisfaction: hearer acts so that mentioned action results obtain in the world
  2. Assert Action
    1. Conditions of Satisfaction: the world matches the mentioned action result
  3. Assert State
    1. Conditions of Satisfaction:: the world or world objects have properties that match the mentioned state
  4. Promise Action
    1. Conditions of Satisfaction:: the speaker takes action so that the mentioned action results obtain in the world


Typical Humanly-Relevant Scene

Agent1
  • locomote
  • move body-part
  • manipulate object.graspable
  • perceive
  • display
    • eye gaze
    • body movement
      • facial expression
        • smile, frown
      • gesture
    • vocal
      • laughter, crying
      • cry out for attention
      • utterance
        • speech
        • sign language utterance
  • cause
  • experience
Agent2
  • receive
  • affected
  • beneficiary
Thing1
  • move
    • path
      • start
      • end
  • have-state
Thing2
  • instrument
  • channel-of-motion
Place1
  • Place2 (part of Place1)
Time.Duration1
  • Time.Duration2
  • Time.Point1
Action-relation
  • Precondition situation
  • Result situation
  • Constraint
    • information-bearing
    • causal constraint

Monday, August 18, 2008

Limits of Formal Ontology

I am thinking of volunteering to help with the Stanford-CSLI Semantic Verb Ontology, which would involve studying Prolog.

A passage in Sowa's Knowledge Representation book Appendix B reminded me of how heroically radical some of the assumptions of Formal Ontology are.

An informal ontology may be specified by a catalog of types that are either undefined or defined only by statements in a natural language. A formal ontology is specified by a collection of names for concept and relation types organized in a partial ordering by the type-subtype relation.
This fixes a set of names, in a lexical ontology, the set of lexical items in the shared verbal lexicon of the speech/sign community. More questionable is that it fixes the set of types, where the cognitive reality may be dynamically changing family resemblances of language games.

This seems to be committed to the tradition of compositional semantics from lexical tokens. In construction grammar, the constructions themselves contribute meaning, not just the lexical items. Perhaps it is possible to rescue a multi-level compositionality, as in the type hierarchy of HPSG-style CxG (in Sag's draft), but again maybe not.

Also, there seems to be a tradition strong autonomy of the grammar (the syntax, and also the structural semantics) from the lexicon (with its lexical semantics). On the other hand, systemic functional theories have long emphasized an integrated lexicogrammar as the field where functional choices are made.

Sunday, August 17, 2008

Verb Semantic Ontology

On the Conceptual Graphs List, John Sowa mentioned this project that started at IBM and involved VivoMind, including Arun Majumdar.

Some of the people involved: Beth Levin and John F. Sowa, Bonnie J. Dorr (Lexical Conceptual Structure), Martha Palmer (VerbNet), Timothy Chklovski (VerbOcean ), and, Charles Fillmore ( FrameNet ).

The boundary between words and nonwords, the Borgmann project to list all words of English

I watched a lecture by Chris Cole on Google Tech Talks:

The Borgmann Project: Listing all the Words in English
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kU_CiErwkFA#

Here is a critical blog post on it:
http://cqs.livejournal.com/48862.html

By eternally stressed semanticist Lance Nathan, at U Penn Linguistics.

I am more sympathetic to the project. I like his insight that the "list" will be a process that finds a stable solution from top down (generating rules to get probabilities) and bottom up (occurrences in a corpus).

Monday, July 28, 2008

words as embedded signs


cuil.com is in the news, when I tried it for "lexical semantics", it led me to discover this nice picture from http://ftp.cs.indiana.edu/classes/c661/words.html


It reminds the user of many-to-many relationships of words as signs (sound-meaning correspondences), and embeds these not-so-autonomous language modules in the perception-action loops a brain has with the word. Syntax is missing, since this diagram is restricted to content words. Where would it fit in?

Sunday, June 15, 2008

Saccade perdurantism and macrobody naturalized identity theory

I think that some traditional positions in ontology and epistemology are too ambitious for addressing the mind-body problem.

Since Einstein, the conception of spacetime allows us to think of ordinary objects as having worldlines, like worms in four dimensions. But as far as visual objects are concerned, this is only accessible at the granularity of saccades. The impression of an individual saccade is not accessible to consciousness. The visual object recognition faculty involves cognizing a perdurant object across saccades.

This granularity warns us that ordinary cognition is quite different from instrument-aided scientific observation. We cognize macro-bodies and the relations they stand in, not the micro-particles and interactions of traditional physicalism. So in studying the schemes of individuation underlying ordinary cognition, cognition researchers are interested in the spatial granularity that can be discerned by unaided vision, and the temporal granularity that binds successive saccades.

Primates can track moving objects, and have some innate and acquired schemas for classifying them. The motion of an object is one of the things that gives it interest value. When do social primates develop a shared acquired scheme? If we refer to a shared acquired schema (for a type of visual object) as a visual concept, how are visual concepts related to other concepts? And how do these various concepts fit into the shared scheme of individuation of cognizing hominins? In what way are these concept-level schemes a pre-adaptation for the lexical-level schemes of language?

What mechanisms are there for acquiring a shared concept schemas in the absence of language? Deaf cognition, both in acquiring sign language lexis and the concept schemas of linguistically-isolated deaf children, provide interesting evidence.

How do hominins individuate the mental causes of the macro-behavior of other hominins. What can we say about the imputed psychic-substance (in the Aristotelian sense of ousia, not in the Cartesian sense of res cogitans) that bears beliefs and desires? For Aristotle, the psyche is the form of a human being that is hylomorphically inseparable from the body. Descartes had reasons for insisting on a separation are historically interesting, but no longer contemporarily relevant (I suspect they have to do with a compromise with theology about the domain of scientific truth, after the lesson of Galileo's house arrest; and Descartes' Platonic focus on Reason as a precursor to the enlightenment). Today, cognitive researchers focus on the embodied mind.

One hypothesis is that there is a mental-state-recognizing faculty, perhaps not so different from the face-recognizing faculty, an innate competence that acquires specific content in performance. It undergirds a capacity to individuate macro-objects. There is a relatively limited set of dimensions of classifying faces (certainly male vs. female, child vs. adult; but most faces are sui generis), what about the classification of mental states, in hominins with and without language?

Faces are directly perceived (for the blind, using hands not eyes), while a mental state is a "causal object" that is readily-inferred and not directly perceived. In a sense, mental-state recognition is more like phonology or melody recognition, which is layered above the impressions of direct acoustic perception. Recognizing beliefs and desires is related to causal explanation of hominin action. Here I mean explanation in a pre-linguistic sense, accounting for the constraints relating a motivating situation to an action result.

Even non-linguistic hominins need to classify hominin behavior, and recognizing the beliefs and desires (among other mental states) is clearly selective for the species. It would be interesting to review the data from research on ape language. We can be quite skeptical about whether chimp behavior is language, but we would still like to understand the capacity of chimps to cognize the beliefs and desires of other hominins (chimp and human). This is related to their own repertoire of facial, gestural and vocal displays, and how they recognize intended displays in others. Unlike the colors in a butterfly wing, primate displays are muscle-controlled, and a caused by intention-in-action. How does a primate discern the underlying intentions-in-action, and what is the "vocabulary" (which may be infra-lexical concepts) that are shared between intentions-in-action, desires, and beliefs?

What makes two mental states "the same"? Let us start with recognizing that two visual objects are the same object and the same type of object. If an object is visually tracked, they our unconscious visual processing and visual object recognition individuates a single object with identity over time. If we lose sight of an object, or go to sleep, how does a hominin identify a later sighting as the same object, or the same type of object? We may distinguish between the categories of objects that receive proper names (people, places, pets), and those that don't. Even those that are referred to only by common nouns, some may be relevant to action as particular objects, and hominins may refer to them indexically (and deictically) as this fruit here, or my handaxe.

To the extent a hominin's cognitive ontology recognizes two sightings of a visual object as the same particular object, there is a moderate risk of error. If it is sufficient to guide action to recognize an object as of the same type (a mouse, a vegetable), the hominin may not distinguish particular instances.

The identity of persons is different from that of most animals (pets being a transitional case). We attribute a psyche to persons, and we recognize and remember details of that psyche (what does that person believe, or typically desire) as a basis of classifying their macro-behavior in terms of occurrent causal mental states.

When are two mental states "the same" mental state? We can distinguish between an occurrent thought, and a remembered mental state. Generally, there is no relevance to action associated with the continuous identity of an occurrent thought, a belief held yesterday and today is a single belief, for purposes of classifying observed behavior in terms of causal intention-in-action. When humans think of the same type of mental state, they use a discrete scheme of individuation at the lexical or sub-lexical concept level. These concept schemals (including lexical schemas, if present) are shared by a social group.

The shared concept schemas of mental states are unique relative to other cognized entitites, because they can be shared between the observed hominin and the observing hominins. Perhaps a new concept is acquired at first as a commonality between two observed hominins. However, it seems inevitable that the observing hominin will also experience that mental state in sympathy. At any rate, it seems most mental states have a first-person character or qualia. The entire scheme of individuating mental states is distinguished from other parts of the cognitive scheme of individuation because of this intrinsic first-and-third person character, while non-mental entities have only a third-person character. This accounts of Descartes' intuition (and Ewing's) that res cogitans is a different substance from res extensa. However, with our improved understanding of biological matter and processes, we can in fact provide a hylomorphic account of mental entities, and the lead to substance dualism is unjustified. But mental properties are different from non-mental properties, but not in a way that requires supernatural intervention. We can naturalize our scientific explanations of mental states, and folk psychology of mental states, with a natural (but dual aspect) theory of cognition.

The material basis for a mental entity is to some extent the occurrent neural pattern that fires during an occurrent thought, but also the dynamical memory and innate genetic-ontogenic dynamical structures of the innervated body. This neurophysiological characterization suffices for explaining the third-person characteristics of mental states. To account for the first-and-third person characteristics, we need to layer on top of this the shared schemes of individuating the mental, which don't exist within a single innervated body, but are a social construct (over a shared species competence) of a group.

Tuesday, May 20, 2008

Cognition of Cognizing Psyches, its nature and epistemology

CP cognition is a phenomenon that can be elaborated using a combination of and modern science concepts and Aristotelian concepts, recognizing that Aristotle's thought is valued and even prestigious in major religious traditions (notably both Christianity and Islam), . The analysis of CP cognition can provide a set of useful distinctions in wider ethical debates, for example those triggered by rapid changes in biotechnology.

The basic idea is that hominins evolved with a capacity to recognize the unseen causes of the behavior of other hominins. The mental states (beliefs, desires, intentions-in-action, plans, volitional-thoughts, memories of perception, memories of thought experience, etc) recognized by folk psychology are mental types, properties of an unseen mental entity that causes hominin behavior. In the terminology of Aristotle, this is a rational psuchos. The innervated bodies of hominins (including a brain made of neurons, that somehow "represents" information about the world with mental states) is a seen entity with behavior, and the behavior is caused by an unseen psyche that is nevertheless reliably cognized by (non-autistic) hominins.